Former two-term governor, Purdue University president and possible presidential contender Mitch Daniels’ new book — “Impatience is a Virtue: A Life Where the Buck Stops” — hits shelves Sept. 15.

“From the White House to the boardroom of Eli Lilly and Company to Indiana’s Governor’s Office to the presidency of Purdue, Daniels has brought transformative change to America’s public, private and nonprofit sectors,” a release from Lyons Press said. “Along the way, Daniels reflects on an incredible American story, how the Harley-Davidson riding grandson of a Syrian immigrant became one of the nation’s most admired leaders.”

We received an advance copy and gathered some key thoughts from the 505-page book.

On accepting a job in the Reagan White House: “The chance to work in the White House, especially that White House, proved irresistible. By late 1984, Ronald Reagan had done more than merely win another election; he had revived the American economy, and even more important, the American spirit. He had elevated and validated principles of ordered liberty that I had come to embrace, and was implementing them effectively in legislative and executive action. He had ushered in a conservative Camelot, as exciting and hopeful in its way as the Kennedy era had seemed to American liberals. I didn’t want to miss a chance to be part of it, directly.”

On President George W. Bush’s decision to invade Iraq in 2003: “Two decades after history has reached negative judgment about the decision to invade Iraq, I don’t dispute that conclusion, nor can I say whether the information on which it was based was sufficient or credible, as I was never privy to it. I do, on the other hand, reject the slander that President Bush knowingly lied to justify invading Iraq and deposing Saddam. The George Bush I came to know was precluded by his upbringing and his faith from doing such a thing. He may have let his anger at the murder of thousands of his countrymen cloud his judgment. He may have felt that if Saddam did in fact have WMDs, the consequences were so horrible that he could not run the risk. But in the moment of decision, I accept that he believed he had good reason to act as he did.”

On leaving D.C. to run for governor in 2003: “Not wishing to be charged for an extra weekend, I’d returned the rental furniture during the day. I slept on the rug in the small living room. On Saturday morning, I strapped my few belongings on the luggage rack of my two-seater convertible, stuffed the rest into the little trunk and passenger seat, and rolled out of the garage for the 600-mile drive home … I was now off the government payroll, but something made me wait a few more minutes until I crossed the boundary line from D.C. into Maryland. Picked up the phone and called Bill Oesterle. ‘Okay, big boy, you win. I’ll give you a month to get things ready. It’s a go.’ And off we went on the ride of a lifetime.”

When Democrats gained control of the Indiana House in 2007: “At his weekly press availability, (House Speaker B. Patrick Bauer) had told the reporters that I’d only be here two more years. Irritating as that was, I had a growing feeling that he was probably right. Looking back, this may have been the lowest period of the entire eight years. Ominous polls, the loss of the House, negative press stories, and frequent editorial sniping combined to put me in a fantastic mood. I lashed out privately at journalists like Matt Tully, allies like Luke Kelly, and apparently even those closest to me.”

On biting his lip: “I almost always managed to behave myself publicly. I can remember at one point telling press that my only health risk was bleeding to death from biting my lips so hard. When I did pop off in public, I always seemed to get the short end of the media stick. Our opponents would could say virtually anything about me and have it treated as good sport, but heaven forbid that I reply in kind, as in the ‘carbombed’ episode.”

On a 2010 Republican landslide: “As a purely political matter, 2010 completed the reshaping of the state’s electoral map that our 2004 win had launched. Very few Democrat officeholders were left in Southern Indiana; even local offices turned over to a similar degree as the legislative rout. The win ushered in an era of ‘trifecta government’ (one-party control of the governorship and both legislative houses) that continues to this day. However welcome when it’s your side that enjoys that status, it is at best a mixed blessing in terms of the quality of campaigns and government governance over the long term.“

On not running for president in 2012: “None of those calculations mattered when it became clear that Cheri and the four girls hated the idea and were petrified at the prospect. I tested their attitude at various intervals and made sure they understood how impressive the support was and how reasonable the prospects of success, and how many people I would be letting down by ducking. Nothing made a dent in their fear or opposition, as I put in my notes. All the planets were aligned, but the sun around which I revolve (the family) was not. So that was that. As I said to disappointed acquaintances later, there’s one sentence a father has no answer for. ‘Daddy, please don’t.'”

On RFRA: “In view of the many precedents for Indiana’s (Religious Freedom Restoration Act), I thought the uproar would subside. It was just one of those many occasions when I was dead wrong. The attacks on the bill escalated, and I watched sympathetically as Governor Pence was filleted by ABC commentator George Stephanopoulos on his Sunday talk show. Asked the same question six separate times, Mike floundered badly, trying to assert that the bill would not permit discrimination against gays. Certainly, one reason the issue erupted in Indiana and not in all the previous venues was the evolution of public attitudes about homosexuality, and there were nuances in the Indiana bill that opponents claimed differentiated it from other RFRAs. But I have no doubt that a contributing factor in the disaster that befell Governor Pence was the way in which he celebrated his temporary victory.”

On Donald Trump choosing Mike Pence as his running mate in 2016: “The tandem had no personal relationship but a persuasive political rationale. Mike had a reassuringly traditional conservative record to balance Trump’s new, more populist brand of Republicanism. His choice to run for governor had panned out perfectly. He had added an executive credential to his long and admirable legislative record. Whatever the media or Indiana public opinion said about his performance was of no importance now. Mike was a good fit for a national ticket back in the arenas, which he was best suited and most comfortable.”

On not running for U.S. Senate in 2023: “Some at the time may have imagined that the shot-across-the-bow threat from (David) McIntosh’s group had intimidated me out of running. That would be backward. If I had any real interest in the Senate, taking on that sort of politics would have been an incentive, not a deterrent. And we would have won. A survey at the time showed me with high recognition and favorable ratings, which by then must have had as much to do with our work at Purdue as my time in elected office. Meanwhile, no one outside his district had any idea who Jim Banks was.”

(Compiled by Niki Kelly)